Social Justice and Development

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Individuals interested in pursuing a career in these areas should acquire knowledge that allows them to engage with both jobs and households, and at both the neighborhood and regional level. Successful professional practice in this area also requires perspective from other areas of planning practice, including transportation, land use, economic development, and real estate.

The CDSJ concentration teaches practice focused on addressing communities that have historically been denied equal access to economic benefits, adequate infrastructure, and political capital in both domestic and international contexts. Across contexts, the CDSJ concentration focuses on advocacy and grassroots self-reliance strategies, sustaining holistic and diverse partnerships focused on community problem-solving, and addressing issues of institutional bias and racism.

The Community Development for Social Justice concentration is designed to prepare professionals for a range of practice contexts. The concentration links the local, regional, and the global, as well as theory and practice. CDSJ courses prepare practitioners to understand the key economic, social and political forces that matter for effective intervention.

This expertise opens a diverse set of career paths for MUP students:. Here are courses to choose from:. In both studies, adults judged that unequal treatment was unacceptable whether it was consistent with gender norms or not. In order to understand why the younger children were more biased, it is necessary to examine their reasoning, which may be based on stereotypical information. One of the characteristics of groups that is associated with stereotypes is preferences or personal choices.

This effect was found across ages, indicating that even the youngest age 6 may have been considering group status and associated presumed preferences, and drawing conclusions about fairness based on that information. Older children were less likely to presume that all children's preferences were linked to their gender, and they were more critical of unequal gendered distributions.

Perceptions that all recipients received gifts they liked predicted evaluations that the distributions were acceptable, even controlling for age. This can be seen even in studies of young children. For example, Conry-Murray and Turiel [] found that children judged that personal choice should be prioritized over gender norms, when they made judgments about a story that portrayed a child who had an atypical preference e.

This is evidence that young children use preferences to judge distributions, and responses seem to depend on their assumptions or knowledge about those preferences. When preferences are made explicit and are not presumed from a stereotype, children are less likely to be biased. The sensitivity to a variety of preferences seems to increase with development [Biernat, ].

For example, Killen, Rutland, Abrams, Mulvey, and Hitti [] found that adolescents were more likely to note preferences that differed from their group expectations as compared to children in middle childhood. Further, adolescents distinguished between their own preference and preference of the group. Given this, and the fact that adolescents are often focused on justice, why do adolescents continue to exclude others? This may be in part because as children grow they also may become more sensitive to the repercussions of defying norms.

Studies have shown that even young children consider that defying norms can lead to embarrassment and that people who break norms may get teased. In one study [Conry-Murray, ], children advocated for a child to make an unconventional choice when he or she was in private or a supportive environment, but when he or she was in public with traditional norms, children were less likely to advocate that the characters follow their choices.

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However, older children were more articulate in stating that the reason they advocated changing gender-related behavior to be consistent with norms had to do with concerns about how others would treat someone who expressed an unconventional desire. This may lead them to feel increasing pressure to conform to norms, and they may respond with increased exclusion, as is the case with exclusion based on sexual orientation [Horn, ].

Finally Killen et al. Children had difficulty recognizing that some groups routinely received fewer resources than others. It may be difficult for children to conclude that a group has been targeted systematically unless the child has had repeated experience with this kind of injustice. This is a conclusion that takes experience with the injustice over time, and even then, the knowledge of these systematic injustices may be slower to build for members of groups who are not targets. Information about the experiences that targets of bias have may be hard to understand for children and adolescents in dominant groups, and this is compounded by the fact that cross-group friendships decline with age.

Cross-group friendships are an opportunity for children in dominant groups to get more accurate information about the experiences of those who may be habitual targets, and less contact with outgroup members means fewer opportunities to correct inaccurate assumptions about those groups. However, it is also important to acknowledge that the content and context of stereotypes presents different challenges for different groups. For example, Renno and Shutts [] found that social preferences based on gender emerge earlier than those based on race. This may be because of the different meaning that gender is given in many cultures today.

Diesendruck, Goldfein-Elbaz, Rhodes, Gelman, and Neumark [] found that children see gender as a natural-kind category that is fixed, objective and natural. Adults are more willing to state that sex differences are natural and immutable [e.

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For example, adults may be more willing to state that racial differences are not natural and immutable. Therefore the information that is available about gender and race can differ. Still, correcting assumptions about race may also be difficult. Race is seen as a taboo topic for many white parents. For children in white families, this taboo may inhibit discussion and make bias more underground.


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Children's tendency to overgeneralize categories may also differ by group, given that some groups are more visibly different or are treated differently more often, encouraging children to construct those group categories as more inflexible. The visibility and salience of information about groups can differ in different cultures.

Bias affects people across cultures, but different groups are the target of bias in different cultures [Quintana, ].


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Culture can provide children with information about groups and different cultures may emphasize ingroup variability more than others. Rhodes and Gelman [] found that children from a more conservative part of Michigan remained inflexible about gender norms for longer than children from a more progressive community near a university.

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This may be a result of being exposed to more variability in regard to gender. Other research also shows some differences in the ways children reason about gender norms. Conry-Murray, Kim, and Turiel [] found cultural differences according to which gender norms were endorsed, with children in purportedly more traditional cultures like that of South Korea judging that gender norms are less flexible than American children.

In both studies, children in more conservative communities remained inflexible about gender for longer. It may be that cultures where norm violations are more common and accepted provide children with experiences consistent with more flexible orientations toward group conventions. The content of specific beliefs can also differ in different cultures in ways that can encourage acceptance or exclusion.

Quintana [] suggested that children in Guatemala showed different beliefs about race than children in the United States. Between the 12 th and 15 th centuries, religious thought changed this situation. In Europe, people who were doing well in life were encouraged to support and assist those of modest means. This led to the development of hospices and charities.

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In the 16 th century, the Protestant Reformation brought about a second major change in Europe. It promoted the rise of industrial capitalism and considerably improved the physical conditions of poor people. The technical innovations of the 19 th century in Europe then gave the poorest individuals greater access to food, medical care and education, which facilitated their social inclusion.

A third major change has been underway for a few years now. It allows poor people to shape capitalism more directly and for their own benefit. In capitalism, the production of wealth comes from the accumulation of capital, regardless of its form. The transformation of capitalism is based on two factors. On the one hand, capitalism must incorporate the goal of social justice into its operations.

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For example, this could mean not basing the definition of collective preferences on the aim of maximizing wealth, but rather on meeting the minimum needs of the entire population. On the other hand, the key stakeholders, whose actions influence the way capitalism operates, need to be the poor themselves. Today, this is illustrated by the collaborative economy and frugal innovations. The capitalism of the 21 st century is slowly taking shape. First, the collaborative economy heralds a new way for the private sector to produce public services , from car-sharing and housing rentals to the bartering of food products, clothing, furniture, childcare and leisure time… Thanks to the Internet, millions of consumers can exchange goods and services without any intermediaries on secondary markets by forming digital networks car-sharing, home-swapping or renting, house-sharing, bartering food products, clothing, furniture, childcare and leisure time, collaborative meals.

In the education sector, free MOOCs facilitate access to knowledge. This new capitalism is disrupting industries that rely on an old model, such as the traditional hotel and accommodation sector, taxis, car hire and private housing rentals, etc. We could see this as a form of competition.

Yet these new types of exchanges are growing because they primarily concern people with limited resources. They reduce the individual costs and dissociate the right of ownership and the right of use. To use particular goods or services, people are no longer obliged to own them or rent them from someone else. People are making their private sphere of consumption a public sphere for sharing. This way of operating is more sustainable than capitalism because in this new capitalism, greater inequalities in wealth or salary do not necessarily mean greater inequalities in the standard of living.

Being poor no longer prevents access to certain basic goods and services. However, this new collaborative capitalism does not eradicate the typical problems of traditional capitalism, including free-rider behaviours and asymmetries in information. For example, in poorer countries, the delay in the development of digital infrastructures prevents the emergence of collective mechanisms to self-regulate the goods and services exchanged, provide security by identifying the members of a network, and facilitate the creation of alternative bond markets.

With the frugal innovation economy, the escape from poverty can be based on local innovations adapted to the needs of the given individuals, communities and countries. This concept emerged in developing countries India in particular and is being used as the business model for an increasing number of companies in the steel, automotive, computer science and telecommunications sectors.

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